Changing the Guard in Dominica
Elections and a Hostage Crisis
By Robert A. Michaels
Caribbean Commonwealth of Do-
minica initiated a major change in that island nation’s official ideology. The conservative, pro-capitalist, pro-West Freedom Party swept 17 of 21 seats of parliament and elected Eugenia Charles the first female prime minister of any Caribbean nation. The election marks a major departure from the decade of Labor control of Dominican politics.
Contending in Dominica's election were four political parties and three ideologies, as well as several “independent” candidates— some independent in name only. The parties were: Freedom, Dominican Labor, Democratic Labor (“Dem-Lab”), and Alliance. The Freedom Party captured 51.4% of the 30,555 votes cast, compared with 16.7% for Dominican Labor, 19.7% for Dem-Lab, 8.4% for Alliance, and 3.9% for the independents (of whom 2 won seats in parliament).
J uly’s election in the windward eastern
Since Independence The conditions in Dominica on Independence Day, like the conditions in other newly independent colonies, were not conducive to autonomy. Already Geest Industries had created a monopoly on the export of bananas and other crops. Much land was privately owned by families of wealth, including the Dutch Geest family. Despite its ideology, the socialist Labor government was unable to reverse the accumulation of wealth by the few at the cost of the many, and too many of the few were members of government. Ideologically the Labor Party, led by Prime Minister Patrick John was dedicated to land reform through dismantling the large estates. However, the landed elite opposed this effort through the Freedom Party and through the Chronicle, the only pro-Freedom Party newspaper (the last of three) which survived Labor attempts to muzzle them all. Although unable to make inroads into the Labor government until this election, the Freedomites stalled land reform, thwarting the socialist ideology of the party in power. To this day, poor Dominicans in coastal towns must travel to the rugged interior (“the bush”) to distant gardens. They cannot farm on land adjacent to the towns because wealthy estate owners control this
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it
Dominica Prirne Minister Mary Eugenia Charles. Wide World Photos.
productive, convenient, and scenic land. Estate owners willing to rent land usually demand an exhorbitant one third of all produce, regardless of productivity, rather than demanding a fixed rent. Many estate owners refuse to rent land for hornes or gardens, and prohibit grazing of livestock on their abundant grasses. Livestock, too, must be transported upwards and inland to distant fields, along paths which are in constant flux because legal access routes through estates are absent.
Wherever they live, Dominicans are geierally poor. Although precise statistics are not available, many Dominicans, probably about 35% of the potential work force, are jobless, and more are underemployed or employed part time. The mean annual wage of the employed is estimated at US$150. Hence, Dorninica’s governmentalso lacks a tax base, and it is no wonder that many Dominicans have attempted to leave the island. This was particularly true after Hurricane David of August 1979, which resulted in widespread unemployment among previously employed banana industry workers.
The Alliance Party, headed by Athie Martin, was regarded by most Dominicans as a radical, even communist party, a charge which spokesman for Alliance have denied. Alliance is a relatively new party which
claims that Dominica's major political figures are at best ineffective and at worst corrupt. Its image of radicalism arose from its willingness to accept foreign assistance from non-Western nations, specifically from Cuba. Alliance does not believe Dominica should be committed to a pro-West stance, or to economic relationships solely with Western or Commonwealth nations. Rather, it would play off the Eastern and Western bioc nations, maintaining neutrality to establish a pro-Dominican foreign policy. Like the Dominican Labor Party, Alliance is committed to land reform.
The Democratic Labor Party is an off shoot of its sound-alike Dominican Labor Party. Dem-Lab was led by Oliver Seraphin, forrnerly Patrick John’s secretary of Agriculture. Dern-Lab arose from scandal’s involving the John government, involving, in fact, both Patrick John and Oliver Seraphin. The scandals included an alleged plan to sell 45 of Dominica’s 300 square miles, held by small land owners, toa US concem cailed the Caribbean Southern Corporation for 100 per year. Shortly thereafter the government was linked with another scandal, this one an atternptto siphon South African money into a Dominican oil refinery so that Dominica could purchase oil on behalf of South Africa. The plan was aborted following its exposure by the British Broadcasting Corporation. Several days later, on May 29, 1979, a general strike for higher wages resulted in Seraphin's resignation and the resignations of all of the John cabinet members; it also caused the downfall of the John government On June 21 Mr. Seraphin was chosen by the House of Assernbly to lead an interim government committed to holding fair elections in six months.
July 1980 Elections
Elections were not held, however, until July, after nearly a year, and after Dominica was severely damaged by Hurricane David. Recovery from the hurricane was slow, and is still not complete. The Seraphin government, like its predecessor, was involved in scandal over the alleged misallocation of US aid. In particular, the galvanized steel roofing material intended for free general distribution was hoarded and dispensed to friends,
or sold. Hence, the election was contested by four parties, of which two were tainted by scandal and one by the label of communisrn. Only the Freedom Party was, relatively speaking, untainted.
These scandals and accusations were the primary issues of the election, and were elevated to highly emotional displays of temper and vehement rhetoric. The Freedom Party, despite its lack of sympathy for the plight of Dominica's poor, despite resentment of the landed by the landless, was in a relatively good position to emerge unscathed by the charges, particularly since it controlled the press. The Freedom victory was more complete than the statistics would outwardly indicate. Among the four seats not won by Freedom candidates, two were won by “independent” candidates who were actually Freedom supporters who altered their party affiliation for strategic purposes.
According to Bill Reveire, historian, lecturer in a New York university, and unsuccessful Alliance Party candidate for a parliamentary seat, two factors contributing to the Freedom victory were US money and the US Central Intelligence Agency. The allegation was publicly made by Alliance leader Athie Martin that the CIA sent two operatives to Dominica to encourage the Freedom Victory. According to Reveire, the CIA agents’ recommended strategy was to support the weak Democratic Labor Party of Oliver Seraphin to take votes away from the more powerful Dominican Labor Party of Patrick John, splitting the Labor vote, and to attach a “communist” label to the Alliance Party. It has proven impossible to trace the allegations beyond a published statement by Athie Martin. Martin apparently did not provide the names and proof of the affiliations and whereabouts of the alleged operatives during their supposed intrusion into Dominica’s elections. A priori, it appears likely that US influence was a factor, but not the major factor, in the Freedom victory.
The most proximal influence on the election result was the campaign itself. The formulation of issues in words was limited to rhetoric; as most Dominicans are illiterate and uneducated, the rhetoric was often at a low level of sophistication, to say the least. Very little was written. Each party was visu-
ally identifiable by a symbol—the hand for Freedom, the hat for Dem-Lab, the shoe for Dominican Labor, the hammer for Alliance, and the fork and the clock for two of the independents. It is difficult to say to what extent the Freedom Party's campaign strategy accounted for the results. One strategy employed by all parties was to give things away, such as T shirts bearing party names. Inasmuch as the Freedom Party had the most money, it had an advantage. In one important constituency, Portsmouth, the Freedom Party lost to the Dominican Labor candidate, Michael Douglas. Douglas, who became the minority leader of parliament over the objections of greedy Freedomites who argued that one of the “independents” should hold the office, is the son of a wealthy estate owner whose family operates the Douglas Guest House in Portsmouth. Douglas allegedly carried the strategy of “giving a step” further than other candidates— giving out rum at public campaign meetings. One party floated a dirigible along the coast, towed by boat. However, the dirigible was towed so far off shore that it was difficult to tell what party it belonged to. A day after its maiden flight, the dirigible was allegedly shot down!
The major factors in the Freedorn victory appear to be threefold: (1) scandals involving both Labor parties, (2) the Alliance Party's youth, lack of national leaders, and its radical image, and (3) control of overwhelming wealth and of the press by Freedom Party members, and use of these factors to wage a potent campaign. It is apparent, however, that the overwhelming vote for Freedom candidates was nota vote for their ideology. It is important to emphasize that the Freedom victory, no matter how explained, does not point to a pro-West ideology of the Dominican electorate. By no means was the election contested around the issues that would have been paramount to a more educated electorate: (1) the inadequacy of the education system, (2) economic dependency, (3) the need to judiciously develop tourism, (4) diversification of income sources, (5) the need to develop nutrition and public health programs, (5) land reform, (7) poverty, (8) birth control and the position of the Church. With
these issues unresolved by the Freedom victory, the Western bloc cannot claim victory, but can claim a new responsibility to assist Dominica to overcome its problems.
The Hostage Crisis
Since the election, guerrillas in the mountains near Roseau, said to be Rastafarians (‘Rastas’) or Dreads (wearers of long hair in dreadlocks, or multiple braids), have become formidably armed and increasingly bold. A wave of firebombings of police stations, and attacks against homes and cars, has plagued police and government officials. In the village of Giraudel, in the hills overlooking Roseau, armed youths on motorcycles have been striking fear in residents by threatening abduction of young women and stealing vehicles and crops.
On February 12 police confronted guerrillas in Giraudel. A shootout erupted in which two youthful guerrillas were killed. Retreating guerrillas burned the house of the Honeychurches, Dominica's oldest white family. They captured Mr. Ted Honeychurch, father of government spokesman Lennox Honeychurch, as well as his wife Penny and one or more black housekeepers. The guerrillas, later releasing all the hostages except Mr. Honeychurch, demanded in exchange for his life the freedom of two “political prisoners." The prisoners, Augustus Lloyd and Robert Eugene, are condemned to hang for the March 1980 murder of headmaster Morris Laurent. As of this writing the hostage crisis continues. Prime Minister Charles, refusing to negotiate with guerrillas until Mr. Honeychurch is released, has declared a State of Emergency. Parliament has enacted “temporary” anti-terrorist legislation, permitting searches without warrants and detention without trial.
Although these actions have strengthened the government in dealing with the guerrillas, they have undermined its ability to attract foreign investments, denials by Ms. Charles notwithstanding. A source of foreign revenue is essential both for the development of Dominica and the success of the Freedom Party government. Equally ominous for the Freedom government was a news blackout imposed by Ms. Charles,
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Dominica
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ostensibly to conceal government strategy from the guerrillas. The news blackout, however, made apparent what a subsequent radio broadcast by a beleaguered government, monitored by the British Broadcasting Company and réported in the US later spelled out: the government had become unstable and foreigners contemplating visits to Dominica should not go. Moreover, the crisis interrupted the vital banana export trade from Roseau, relegating it only to Portsmouth, which is remote from many, if not most, growers.
To avert further disaster, the government also curtailed carnival celebrations in March, and has carried out mass arrests of individuals ostensibly visiting Dominica for Carnival, particularly from the neighboring French island of Guadeloupe. Such individuals are feared to be suppliers of weapons to guerrillas in exchange for drugs grown in the mountains. While the guerrillas have been gaining strength the government has been losing strength. Ms. Charles, unable to trust the 100-man Dominica Defense Force, has confiscated its weapons “forinventory,” and demoblized two-thirds of the force. The weapons inventory revealed many missing, which are feared to be in the hands of the guerrillas. Defended now only by a handful of police, it is significant to inquire why the present circumstances have not toppled the government.
In fact, a coup d’état, planned largely in Guadeloupe and scheduled to take place March 14, was unveiled and thwarted. Exprime minister Patrick John, allegedly with assistance from Texas millionaire, Michael Eugene Perdue, has been accused in the conspiracy. The international scope of the coup attempt has broadened. On May 2 the Miami Herald reported the confession to Roseau police of Canadian citizen Miriam McGuire and the arrests in New Orleans of ten men including Canadians Wolfgang Walter Droege and Larry Lloyd Jacklin. McGuire confessed she was sent to Dominica by Droege and Jacklin to assist in planning the coup. The coup was to involve mercenaires possibly associated with the Klu Klux Klan in Louisiana. Ms. Charles, ina recorded interview, stated that Perdue, the alleged leader of the mercenaires, was among the ten men arrested in New Orleans, andthe Miami Herald confirmed that Perdue is in jail. Dominican government spokesman Lennox Honeychurch speculated that the coup was financed by American businessmen to establish a free port in Dominica. Mr. John has been jailed with about a half dozen alleged co-conspirators, and the
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government has set up a tribunal to deal with the matter.
The Dominican government's uncanny investigative ability in uncovering the planned coup may have had everything to do with the CIA. | was assured bya domestic contact in the CIA—on the basis of a report he had received from the island nation “one hour ago” that Dominica was being defended by a ‘western European nation or nations.”
Itis known that Ms. Charles has requested assistance of France and Britain. Engineers from these nations are assisting with hurricane reconstruction, such as electricity projects and rebuilding the barracks of the
Dominica Defense Force. It is rumored that British and French army personnel, too, have arrived, and that Ms. Charles has requested the government of Barbados to deploy a contingent of its Defense Force, rumors which Ms. Charles publicly denies. Meanwhile, despite all measures, the home of ex-prime minister Oliver Seraphin was recently burned, and the hostage crisis persists, as does the pro-West Freedom Party government—tenuously.
Robert Alan Michaels, a biologist with Enviro Control of Rockville, Maryland, is interested in the development of colonial island nations.
Kudos 1981
Our special issue of Caribbean Review dedicated to “The New Cuban Presence in the Caribbean” was a finalist in the Specialtopic issue category of the National Magazine Awards. The National Magazine Awards are presented by the American Society of Magazine Editors, through a grant from the Magazine Publishers Association, and are administered by the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism. At the award ceremony in New York, we were cited for our Winter 1980 issue: “A round-up not only of Cuban involvement, but U.S. involvement as well, the issue articulated a political card game of scary proportions being played in what was once known as an American lake.” First prize in that category was awarded to Business Week for its issue on the reindustrialization of America. Among the other finalists was Scientific American for its issue on economic development.
And in the specialized magazine category of the 1981 CASE awards Caribbean Review was presented with an “Exceptional Achievement” award, the highest available. This is the third consecutive year Caribbean Review has been honored by the Council for the Advancement and Support of Education.
Publication citation
Michaels, RA. Changing the guard in Dominica – elections and a hostage crisis. Caribbean Review, 10(2):pages 18, 19, and 48; 1981;